Friday, May 30, 2008

My Life Among the Compassionate Conservatives

There's been an outpouring of support for me since my last post, for which I am very grateful. Special thanks goes to Edger at OOIBC and Docudharma. He re-posted PTSD... over there and his commenters have been amazing. Thank you each and every one.

It's a funny thing: when I was a conservative, I always got a lot of "it's great that you're in the Army/defending freedom/taking it to the terrorists" but when I problematized the situation a little bit--bringing up flaws in the war strategy, expressing doubts about the war itself, pointing to past mistakes made by our government that contributed to the current situation--my conservative friends couldn't find it in themselves to acknowledge that anything was wrong. And this was in 2005, by which point you would have had to be deaf, blind, mentally retarded and/or willfully ignorant to not notice that things were looking very bad. Invariably, they would tell me that it was all the media's fault (just like Vietnam!) and that I needed to insulate myself from traitors and collaborators such as Peter Jennings.

I finally had enough of the conservative movement and its pathetic inability to look in a mirror or think critically about any of its cherished platitudes and bolted. What I had expected to find, based on years of reading the likes of Russell Kirk, David Horowitz, Lew Rockwell, Victor Davis Hanson, the AEI gaggle, The National Review (I subscribed for more than five years), Human Events (my parents subscribed throughout my childhood), and other organs of the right-wing propaganda machine, was rabid anti-war neanderthals who hated America. (I should say that by the time I left, I knew this wasn't the only face the Left had to offer.)

What I found instead was compassion, understanding, a willingness to examine one's positions, and an openness to divergent points of view that utterly confounded the dichotomies I had absorbed in my youthful Right-wing radicalism. These were good, decent people by and large. I won't claim that there is no Left-wing lunatic fringe, but I will say that the crazies have not infiltrated the Left mainstream the way they have on the Right. There is no Left equivalent of Ann Coulter, at least not in terms of attention, airtime, book sales or general publicity. This is partly because the Right has much more leeway in the current media climate, but it's also because the Left does a better job of policing itself. It's true that Coulter was kicked off The Corner, but that didn't actually affect her popularity at all. When the Left ditched Hitchens (a subject about which I remain conflicted) he stayed ditched. This is not the result of some sort of Politburo that meets in the offices of The Nation every Wednesday at 9 am to decide the fate of liberalism, it's the genuine dislike of rank-and-file liberals for those who give them a bad name.

I have no doubt that the Right will eventually come to the consensus that Bush has been a disaster, but the Left would have been dogging him all along, rather than swallowing his absolutist rhetoric so gleefully as they failed to criticize even his most abhorrent policies (torture being perhaps the most egregious). The Right did that eventually with Nixon, after all, but only because of his economic policies and supposed kowtowing to Mao. When LBJ got us (deeper) into an unwinnable and morally repugnant war, the Left ensured that he would not serve another term. When Bush did it, the Right rallied around him and invented controversies about the service of an actual warrior and patriot in one of the most cynical and depraved moments in the history of our politics. Oh, and google the term "PTSD" on "corner.nationalreview.com" to see how often that issue has come up on one of the busiest political blogs in the world. That's what happens when you substitute "support my agenda" for "support the troops."

The Right loves to talk about freedom, but it suppresses freedom of expresion within its own ranks. They barely even debate anymore. As Peter Fonda put it in Easy Rider:
[Freedom's] what's it's all about, all right. But talkin' about it and bein' it, that's two different things. I mean, it's real hard to be free when you are bought and sold in the marketplace. Of course, don't ever tell anybody that they're not free, 'cause then they're gonna get real busy killin' and maimin' to prove to you that they are. Oh, yeah, they're gonna talk to you, and talk to you, and talk to you about individual freedom. But they see a free individual, it's gonna scare 'em.

Too true. Sorry I was so wrong about you guys for so long.

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Tuesday, May 27, 2008

PTSD...




...is a bitch.

I haven't been officially diagnosed (that will have to wait until I get back stateside, in August) but the signs are all there: obsessive thoughts about horrific scenes I witnessed in Iraq, anxiety at the mere mention of anything having to do with that war, extreme guilt at having willingly participated in such a colossally wicked venture, sleepless nights, mood swings, constant fidgeting, and the strong proclivity to self-medicate by any means necessary. I have good days and bad days, but they've been mostly bad, and certainly worse than they were when I blogged about them before.

The worst for me is the guilt and the anger. Guilt for what I was a part of and anger that such a war could happen, or that people could still believe there is anything remotely positive about our military presence in Mesopotamia. As Thoreau put it so ably at Unqualified Offerings:

It outrages me more than I can describe that there are still apologists for this. It outrages me more than I can describe that there are people who can look at this and say "Yep, we sure made the right choice there!" And it outrages me more than I can describe that the people who look at this and see no evil are actually taken seriously. They are invited to speak and write in serious venues. They are warmly thanked for offering their amoral apologies. They are allowed to remain in power rather than impeached, convicted, removed, and stripped of privilege. They are able to walk down the street undisturbed when they should be cursed and pelted with trash. They should be sprawled on a sidewalk next the McPherson Square Metro Station, hoping to cadge enough quarters to enjoy the rare treat of laundering the vomit out of the only shirt they own, praying all the while that decent people do not recognize them beneath the matted beard and tangled hair.

In a real republic Bush would have been drummed out of office by now and the last thing any major candidate for the Presidency would say is that we might be in Iraq for another 100 years. Just thinking about it makes me so... anxious. Every time I hear a war apologist speak I am overcome with grief and it's a good hour before my mind's back on track. This is my war casualty: a complete inability to escape from that place for longer than a couple of hours.

Seeking mindless distraction, I went to see Ironman the other day, and boy was that a mistake. The predictably evil defense contractor (played by Jeff Bridges, who always looks like Jeff Lebowski to me, which is a bit disconcerting) reminded me so much of my old boss in the war-profiteering biz--warm and friendly on the outside, cold and heartless on the inside--that I spent half the movie trying to will away my flashbacks, then spent the next several hours after the movie drinking alone in my apartment. Such an innocuous reference from such a banal movie shouldn't produce such a powerful reaction, but such is life after war, for me at least. Suffice it to say I won't be watching Rendition or In the Valley of Elah any time soon.

So there it is: I'm pretty messed up in the head right now, and there's not a lot I can do but try to work through it. It's not like there are VA programs for DoD Contractors with PTSD. That's why the federal government loves contractors so much: there's no long-term commitment. A servicemember has all those whiny legislators demanding benefits (and overriding Bush's veto... we hope) for the troops, but us temps, we're on our own. Now that I'm not working for the company that paid me to go to Iraq, I'm nobody's problem but my own. Hell, I don't even have medical insurance any more. I swear to FSM I'm moving to Canada or Denmark some day.

Discovering that your soul has a price isn't a pleasant experience, but I'm the guy who signed on the dotted line, so it's my cross to bear. I wish I had read the fine print.

Cross-posted at OOIBC.

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Monday, April 21, 2008

Troops Don't Need No Education

Of the 56 Senators and more than 200 Representatives who have signed on to legislation to improve GI Bill benefits, none of them is named John McCain. He's opposed to making the GI Bill more lucrative because "enhanced educational opportunities could negatively affect retention rates." You see, the last thing you would want is a military in which the troops feel like their military experience has prepared them to venture out into the wide world. No, better that they feel there is no escape because there aren't enough "opportunities" on the outside.

This isn't Supporting the Troops, it's Supporting the Defense Establishment. A veteran such as John McCain should know better; and he should do better by the young men and women he has sent, and pledged to send, to risk their lives in Iraq for his corrupt and pointless war.

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Sunday, April 20, 2008

The Latest Dereliction of Duty: TV News Military Analysts and the Military Industrial Complex that Feeds Them

I'm glad to see that the media has finally done its job and uncovered the completely unsurprising links between the retired generals who serve as supposedly-independent Military Analysts on TV news and the Pentagon and Military Contractors whose talking points they invariably echo. It's one thing to know that there's no way these guys were picked because of their complete independence from the Pentagon and its big business contractors. It's another to have evidence that it goes so much further than that. It's a must-read.

A minor point I think deserves to be rebutted is this one from Pentagon spokesman Bryan Whitman:

It was, Mr. Whitman added, "a bit incredible" to think retired military officers could be "wound up" and turned into "puppets of the Defense Department."


If you believe this, you don't know the military very well. These guys all retired at the rank of Colonel or higher, and if there's anything a soldier could tell you about the guys at the top of the pyramid, it's that they seem to have no idea what goes on at the bottom of it. The Colonels and Generals I've seen in Iraq rarely leave their offices, except to take other Generals and Colonels on tours in their helicopters. They are briefed more than once a day on operations, but those briefings are often a bit... sanitized to protect their subordinates. They simply don't have the feel that the guys outside the wire have for what's going on. Given the lack of recently retired Buck Sergeant hired to be a Military Analyst on MSNBC, this makes for a somewhat skewed view of the battlefield.

But more tragically, there's a system in place that almost ensures that by the time you reach the rank of General, you've spent so much time with your nose up the ass of the people who made it before you that it's the only way you know how to operate. You see, there aren't all that many openings for Generals in the military, so they can be choosy in who they pick to wear those stars. One of the main criteria for making it that far is having a spotless or near-spotless OER (Officer's Evaluation Report). To get a good OER, you basically have to be competent in your position and not piss off your commander.

And what might piss off a commander? Well, considering that he's got an OER of his own to look after, anything that might wreck his next promotion is pretty high on that list. All this basically means that the last thing you want to do as a junior officer looking up at the stars is think outside the box, take risks, put yourself on the line, or any of those other things that businesses were hiring consultants to tell them to do 10 years ago. The people who make General tend to be above average in intelligence, but risk-averse, thanks to a system that encourages lockstep thinking and looks askance at anything that bucks tradition.

So no, Mr. Whitman, it's not "a bit incredible" that retired Generals are puppets of the system. That's how they got there in the first place. And thanks to the extremely lucrative after-market in the defense contracting and lobbying business, these retired Generals know they've got to dance with the one that brung 'em. The quote from retired Colonel John C. Garrett in an email to the Pentagon shows just how closely tied these guys are to the system that created them. Preparing to go on FOX News to talk about the (then-upcoming) surge, he stated:

"Please let me know if you have any specific points you want covered or that you would prefer to downplay."

Almost as painful as the system that reduces America's military leaders into glad-handing yes-men is the pathetic cravenness of a figure such as Garrett, whose pitiful servility to the Administration and the Pentagon is so clearly expressed in this quote. He's not a man, he's a robot, sent out to do the bidding of his masters. Instead of leading, he's following, like a Private in Basic Training. Instead of getting the opinion of a Pattonesque leader, a man of action, a thick-skinned, no-nonsense man's man that the viewers imagine they'll get when the magic words "Retired General" flash across the screen, they get this mincing courtier saying nothing that we hadn't already heard from Ari Fleischer or Sean Hannity. We want Chesty Puller, but we get Willy Loman.

Cross-posted at OOIBC.

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Monday, March 31, 2008

Seeing Through My Masks

It has been quite a long time since I have posted anything. The fact is, I haven't felt up to it. Those final months in Iraq were more taxing, mentally and otherwise, than I could have expected. I simply did not have any thoughts that I deemed worth sharing. I thought, and wrote, that my diminished posting quality and frequency was due to a lack of intellectual stimulation, but as I have since discovered, it had less to do with that than with a sort of emotional distancing from everything and everyone that matters to me, to include my own sense of self. I was, and most likely still am, angry and depressed.


I know this sounds like a whiny, selfish, prozac nation excuse for what could have been chalked up to simple writer's block and staying too busy to keep up with my blogging, but it's the truth. The Iraq War, surprise surprise, is really hard on people, and its effects are felt in many ways. In the past five months or so I have removed myself from any real engagement with the world around me. My realization, open-eyed from the beginning, that the war I chose to involve myself in was immensely destructive and morally despicable took its toll in the form of ennui and biting cynicism. I noticed that I had grown more callous toward other people when I found myself sneering at everyone, particularly my friends and coworkers, for even the slightest breach of my standards of conduct.

At least I noticed before I left, which allowed me to warn my girlfriend a couple of weeks before my departure that I was a changed man, and not for the better. It's a good thing that I did, because even despite holding my tongue when I knew I was about to say something cruel to her, she observed that my usual joking was noticeably more caustic, and the light had gone out of my eyes. It's a testament to her that she recognized it as a symptom of my loss of compassion in the face of gross inhumanity and remained the caring person she has ever been.

I left Iraq on March 7, and have only in the last few days begun to feel a bit more like myself. In the intervening weeks, I have visited the Carribean coast south of Cancun, spent about a week and a half seeing friends in Arizona, and have now spent four days in Luxor visiting temples and learning, the hard way, how to haggle. The time in Mexico and Arizona was a time of emotional disengagement and relationship difficulty, but I've grown more at peace since coming to Egypt. I start classes in Cairo tomorrow.

I am finally back in a proper headspace to renew my blogging, and I am sure Cairo will provide many opportunities to do so. Also, I no longer feel the need to keep myself out of the blog, now that I no longer work for the Masters of War. So there will be more of me in the future, although hopefully not this sort of thing.

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Wednesday, February 20, 2008

REMFs and DADT

Kevin Drum points to a Foreign Policy survey of U.S. military staff-level officers, and finds much to be discouraged about. For instance, only 22% would be open to allowing gays into the military in order to increase recruitment numbers, while 58% would be open to lowering education standards. This isn't what we would have liked to see from our military leaders, and fortunately, it isn't.

As one of Andrew Sullivan's readers points out,
The data from the survey clearly shows that it was heavily skewed towards a much older pool of retired officers: - 89% of respondents are over 50. 72% are over 60. 38% are over 70. - 92% are retired. 71% have been retired for more than 10 years.

If we were to try and define a typical respondent, he would be a 65 year old former colonel who entered service in the late 1960's and retired in the 1990s. Hardly representative of today's officer corps


It is generally accepted that older people are much less open to accepting gays into society than are the younger generation, so the age of the respondents plays a big role in these results. But even more than just their age, old military officers tend to be even more conservative in their outlook than those of a similar vintage in society at large. Particularly the generation polled here, shaped as they were by the polarizing Vietnam years. The guys that age I know who chose to devote their lives to the military often did so as a bulwark against the usual bugbears that degrade society, from the sexual revolution to abortion to secular humanism. Foreign Policy didn't survey a bunch of warrior-scholar David Petraeuses, they surveyed a bunch of Jack D. Rippers.

Also, one shouldn't make too much of a survey composed of staff officers only. Those guys are the furthest from the battlefield, and the furthest removed from the attitudes of the people who make up the vast majority of the military: the lower enlisted and buck sergeants who actually do the fighting. It's my earlier REMF vs. Cannon Fodder point again: the further you get from the regular troops, the more kool-aid you drink. Which is not to say that the troops are a bunch of open-minded, bleeding hearted sensitive types. It's just that they tend to care less about other peoples' personal lives. It's not so much acceptance as not caring enough to bother. Will & Grace meets the Nintendo generation in an introverted version of the leave us alone coalition.

One last point: maybe this result came about because of the way it was presented: of all the reasons for allowing gays to serve openly, "increasing recruitment" isn't a major one. It's a moral issue, not a practical one.

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Monday, February 18, 2008

Coservatives' Classical Gas

Most of Glenn Greenwald's posts are indispensable, but this one is especially so. As usual, I can find nothing to contribute to it. I endorse the whole thing. So go read it.

One thing that struck me about his post was the easy way he invokes Adam Smith to describe the affinity that the warmongering classes have for wars fought far away and at very little personal danger. Here's the passage he cites, a spot-on description of all of my right-wing friends who love to sit around and watch videos of terrorists getting killed by our superior firepower:

In great empires the people who live in the capital, and in the provinces remote from the scene of action, feel, many of them, scarce any inconveniency from the war; but enjoy, at their ease, the amusement of reading in the newspapers the exploits of their own fleets and armies . . . .

They are commonly dissatisfied with the return of peace, which puts an end to their amusement, and to a thousand visionary hopes of conquest and national glory from a longer continuance of the war.

What struck me about that was how impossible I once thought such a reference could be. People like David Horowitz often claim that the Universities aren't teaching the classics* anymore, and that if students read more classics, they would learn to embrace traditional values, whatever those are. The Right has claimed the mantle of the "defenders of the classical tradition" in the campus cultural wars, but when you read passages like this, you wonder if those crusaders have actually read the books they are hawking. And yet here's a bona-fide librul, quoting a dead economist who isn't Marx or Keynes, and getting the quote right!

A decade ago I, a studious young conservative who took the ISI's admonitions to heart, began working my way through the canon. What I found then, and when I subsequently got serious about the classics at St. John's College, where that's all the students read, was that there was nothing particularly "conservative" about these books.

There's no unified set of "values" running through the great books; in fact, one of the things that makes those books so great is the way they bucked the orthodoxies of their time and pushed the debate along by the sheer force of their arguments in the face of the absurdities of their ages. Reading through the likes of Aristotle, Descartes, Hume and Kant is much more likely to cause the thoughtful student to question whatever traditions he's embraced than to cause him to instinctively reject radical changes. He's more likely to give thought to the arguments of the reformers than to shun them instinctively, as Russell Kirk might have expected him to. In short, a grounding in the classics will usually serve to make a student more skeptical of received wisdom and thus more objectively liberal (though less radical) than he would have been had he simply been fed a diet of Bill Bennett's moralizing bedtime stories.

That was certainly what I found, and what happened to me, when I went to St. John's. I entered a conservative, came out a confused moderate, and am now settling into a skeptical leftism, thanks primarily to the "orthodox" education in the classics. Perhaps I extrapolate too much from my own experience, but you can see for yourself if you ever visit the campus: the student body is as left-wing as any in the nation, despite the ringing endorsement of St. John's in the National Review College Guide. Most the alumni I know are left-wing as well.

None of this is to say that any given classic will strike the modern reader as especially liberal in the modern context, nor that Greenwald hasn't engaged in a bit of quote-mining here, but I would at least like to see the reverential intonation of the great books removed from the wingnut campus agitators' bag of tricks. The fact that a lefty such as Glenn Greenwald could so easily employ the great expounder of capitalism in one of his hateful, unpatriotic and no doubt communist posts should at least give the lie to the idea that an education in the great books lends support to conservative orthodoxies.

* I use the term "classic" and its derivations throughout to refer to the whole of the Western Canon, not just the Greeks and Romans.

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Sunday, February 10, 2008

Thus Saith The Lord: Use Your Turn Signal!

A quickie: via Angry Arab, I learn that a fatwa has been issued condemning reckless driving. Lick this link to read the article in Arabic. For all I know, it's the announcement of Al Jazeera's Spring lineup. One day I plan to be able to read these myself.

This is, of course, hilarious to anyone who has driven or ridden in a car in the Arab world. "Reckless" doesn't begin to describe the general traffic flow. It makes L.A. look like a sleepy suburb down south.

This can only be a good thing, given the huge number of traffic fatalities in the Arab world. I'm glad to see Islam employed to encourage people to save their lives. I'd like to see Christian "fatwas" focus more on this kind of thing than on condemning gays to hell and supporting bad social policies.

And yes, I know that Islam is much more interested in doing unambiguously good things than in promoting terrorism, as some folks would have us believe.

Wednesday, February 06, 2008

Iraq Makes You, er, Me, Dumber

Since I came to Iraq, my blogging has been pretty light, obviously. There are a number of factors at play here: partly it's due to the fact that my coworkers and bosses don't know that I do this. I've kept D&F a secret from them because I wanted to be able to blog freely, safe from the prying eyes of my reliably red-state colleagues and superior officers. Since I haven't mentioned any of them, or the nature of my job over here, I don't think I've written anything to set them off, so it's not like there's been any betrayal on my part. I just like to keep this part of my opinions to myself, even though they are all pretty well aware that I'm a librul.

But more than my (perceived) need to keep D&F to myself, I've found being over here to be intellectually impoverishing. The sad fact is that among my colleagues, there's very little in the way of nuanced political analysis. Every time I've tried to have a political discussion that goes below the surface, I have been stymied by their lack of engagement and generally uninformed outlook. Sure, they dutifully noted that my guy won in Iowa and South Carolina and that he seems like an OK dude, but they've never actually confronted me on it, which makes talking politics, well, boring. It's not that they're all unintelligent, it's just that their intellectual interests differ from mine, and their desire to engage in wars of words is much less than mine.

Refusing to engage me in Socratic dialogue (or Crossfire polemics) is their right, of course, and I can't really begrudge them. But not being challenged or engaged has dulled my intellect in a way that only felt familiar once I got out here and said to myself, "oh yeah, that's why I didn't stay in the Army."

In short, being in Iraq has made me dumber.

Exhibits A-C: this post, this post and this post. Reading these again is pretty depressing because I know I can do better. It turns out that I require more inspirado than I'm getting over here to churn out blogs that are up to my own standards.

So I will try to do better. Hopefully I will be getting more of an intellectual workout next month when I leave Iraq, first for Arizona to visit loved ones and then for Cairo, where I will be studying Arabic for two months.

After Cairo, I will join the masses of , overworked grad students as I begin my studies toward a Ph.D. in Middle Eastern Studies (or something related thereto), first at the University of Arizona and then at whatever school will take me and fund me. I came to the realization about a year ago that the only time I have ever been really at home was in academia, so it only makes sense to make academia my home.

I hope I haven't lost too many of my readers, because god knows I never had many to begin with. In the future, you can expect my discussions of military matters to get more thoughtful, if less numerous, and you can expect more posts on the wider Middle East and, perhaps, the life of a grad student who is a few years older than most of his cohort. Also, I'll have more time to keep up with things and to write about them, which should make this site more worthy of your time.

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Thursday, January 31, 2008

Anbar Awakening: A Play in 3(?) Acts

ACT I

Sunni Tribal Sheikhs: Death to America!
American Military: Would you please stop fighting us and start fighting Al Qaeda for us?
Sunni Tribal Sheikhs: What's in it for me?
American Military: Stability, a chance to be a part of the new Iraqi government, political leverage to empower the Sunnis.
Sunni Tribal Sheikhs: What about money?
American Military: Lots.
Sunni Tribal Sheikhs: Sounds good, but what we're really concerned about is making sure that Maliki doesn't screw us.
American Military: Oh yeah, you'll get your security, and, Maliki, yeah, that guy's great, isn't he?
Sunni Tribal Sheikhs: Um, no. He screws us, and we're out.
American Military: Security is awesome.

ACT II

American Military: Isn't it great how peaceful things are in Anbar these days? We did such a great job! Aren't we just the best?
Chicken Hawks: Isn't it great how peaceful things are in Anbar these days? Bush did such a great job! All those naysayers were wrong! Iraq is basically free these days, it'll be smooth sailing from here on out!
Naysayers: Didn't they say something about "political participation" or something?
Chicken Hawks (with fingers in their ears): Nyahh, nyahh I can't hear you!
Maliki Government: Symbolic, largely meaningless gesture.
Sunni Tribal Sheikhs: The Maliki government is the worst government on Earth. If we don't have real political participation in three months, the deal is off.

On the next episode of Anbar Awakening: will the American Military listen? Will the Tribal Sheikhs follow through? Will the Chicken Hawks notice?

Stay tuned....

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Tuesday, January 29, 2008

CIA Doesn't know What It's Doing

Spencer Ackerman has a written really interesting piece in the Washington Independent about the CIA's lack of experience in interrogations. Counter to what most of us assumed, they haven't been doing it that long, and they aren't the "experts" in interrogation most have assumed.

Surprising as it may be, the CIA has never really been in the interrogation business. After 9/11, it turned its back on its own limited history of interrogations and never consulted those in the U.S. with solid experience in that difficult art. Even in the seven years since it has built an interrogation capability mostly from scratch, the agency has never applied the best practices in behavioral science to improve its regimen. The result has been to privilege brutality out of ignorance, which, according to many experts and insiders interviewed, means that interrogation practices that produce faulty information are now at the very heart of the U.S. efforts against a mysterious and still-unfamiliar enemy.


The article suggests that the CIA consulted with Egypt, Saudi Arabia and Israel--all countries who we already knew tortured--to develop its interrogation program. Nut I doubt that their use torture as an interrogation technique was as influenced by their consultation with Egypt, et al as this article suggests. The fact is that everyone who has ever seen a movie where the interrogator "does what has to be done" thinks they know what they're doing. I've been an interrogator for almost 15 years, and I would say that a good 50% of the people I meet who learn that about me imagine they know how I do my job. I've seen many, many completely untrained people go into the booth or offer their two cents, and that advice is always, EVERY TIME, to get vicious. These CIA agents were given the green light to do anything they wanted, and they licked their lips at the opportunity to play vigilante. They knew they could do some research into best methods, but that isn't nearly as fun as shaking your head as you lament that "desperate times call for desperate measures," is it?

So the problem isn't just that the CIA didn't have any sort of real interrogation program (I can't independently verify that, but it doesn't surprise me in the least), it's that everyone thinks they know how to interrogate, so when interrogators were needed, people volunteered themselves. The fact that there was no real oversight just confirms what Ron Suskind, Seymour Hirsch and others have been saying.

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Friday, January 04, 2008

Andy Olmsted

Andrew Olmsted, better known (to me, at least) as Obsidian Wings blogger G'Kar, was killed in Iraq. His final post.

Sometimes going to war is the right idea. I think we've drawn that line too far in the direction of war rather than peace, but I'm a soldier and I know that sometimes you have to fight if you're to hold onto what you hold dear. But in making that decision, I believe we understate the costs of war; when we make the decision to fight, we make the decision to kill, and that means lives and families destroyed. Mine now falls into that category; the next time the question of war or peace comes up, if you knew me at least you can understand a bit more just what it is you're deciding to do, and whether or not those costs are worth it.


R.I.P.

Thursday, December 20, 2007

Keeping Us Safe from Vikings and Bjork

Lots of links to this piece around the blogosphere, but abuses like this can't be publicized enough. This is happening in America. The "land of the free." Back when I was a kid, you only heard kind of behavior from the Soviets:

Last Sunday I and a few other girls began our trip to New York. We were going to shop and enjoy the Christmas spirit. We made ourselves comfortable on first class, drank white wine and looked forward to go shopping, eat good food and enjoy life. When we landed at JFK airport the traditional clearance process began.

We were screened and went on to passport control. As I waited for them to finish examining my passport I heard an official say that there was something which needed to be looked at more closely and I was directed to the work station of Homeland Security. There I was told that according to their records I had overstayed my visa by 3 weeks in 1995. For this reason I would not be admitted to the country and would be sent home on the next flight. I looked at the official in disbelief and told him that I had in fact visited New York after the trip in 1995 without encountering any difficulties. A detailed interrogation session ensued.

...

I was exhausted, tired and hungry. I didn't understand the officials' conduct, for they were treating me like a very dangerous criminal. Soon thereafter I was removed from the cubicle and two armed guards placed me up against a wall. A chain was fastened around my waist and I was handcuffed to the chain. Then my legs were placed in chains. I asked for permission to make a telephone call but they refused. So secured, I was taken from the airport terminal in full sight of everybody. I have seldom felt so bad, so humiliated and all because I had taken a longer vacation than allowed under the law.

...

I was completely exhausted, tired and cold. Fourteen hours after I had landed I had something to eat and drink for the first time. I was given porridge and bread. But it did not help much. I was afraid and the attitude of all who handled me was abysmal to say the least. They did not speak to me as much as snap at me.

...

I was hugely relieved when, at last, I was told that I was to be taken to the airport, that is to say until I was again handcuffed and chained.Then I could take no more and broke down and cried. I begged them at least to leave out the leg chains but my request was ignored. When we arrived at the airport, another jail guard took pity on me and removed the leg chains. Even so I was led through a full airport terminal handcuffed and escorted by armed men. I felt terrible. On seeing this, people must think that there goes a very dangerous criminal. In this condition I was led up into the Icelandair waiting room, and was kept handcuffed until I entered the embarkation corridor.


These aren't the actions of one rogue asshole at INS or DHS. This is the procedure when a dire threat to national security like a young Icelandic woman tries to enter our country. This is the result of the politics of fear. I am ashamed to be an American.

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Arrested Development

One of the biggest factors driving the insurgency in Iraq has been our ham-handed approach toward the Iraqi populace. In an insurgency, the support of the populace is the ultimate prize--lose that, and you lose the war. General Petraeus' much-vaunted counterinsurgency operations were supposed to address this issue head-on, and they have, up to a point. But one of the most glaring examples of our occupation behaving counter-productively has been our detention operations, where the policy seems to have been to arrest as many people as possible on whatever grounds are handy.

I'm not writing about this from the outside. In 2004-2005, and to a lesser extent this year, I have had close, inside contact with the detention programs in Iraq. I lived and worked at Abu Ghraib and other Iraqi prisons and saw firsthand how mass arrests have negatively affected our image over here. One of the most common refrains I have heard from Iraqis is that the Americans arrest them for no reason, then release them later without even bringing any charges. I would bet a year's salary that there isn't a single Iraqi who hasn't had this happen to someone close to him. It's what they have come to expect from us.

Now Major General Douglas Stone is seeking to change all that. (Link via Iraq Newsladder.) He's finally making the argument that many of us were making back when the war started: if you arrest innocent people, then keep them locked up with genuine badguys, they won't come out on the other end with a positive opinion of you. Or, as General Conway said after hearing out Gen. Stone, "If you roll up 150 guys in a village and you don't have probable cause, you've just created 150 little terrorists."

Actually, it's worse than that. Because it's not just the 150 guys you arrested who radicalize, it's also their families and friends. Moreover, you've just made anyone who has ever heard their story (and again, EVERYONE has) that much less likely to believe you when you roll through town distributing leaflets about how wonderful the "justice" and "democracy" you've graciously bestowed upon them is. If you want to know why the Iraqis have been so hesitant to jump aboard the America bandwagon, maybe this has something to do with it.

Which is what is so confounding about the fact that Petraeus himself planned for 40,000 detainees as part of the surge. Did Petraeus actually believe that locking up 40,000 people would somehow make the Iraqis like us more? How does it make sense that, at the very same time we began talking with insurgents and indeed fighting alongside them, we implemented a policy of arresting them at an even higher rate than previously? It simply makes no sense.

Any idiot could see three years ago that our detention policies were actively fueling the insurgency. Petraeus' counter-insurgency tactics were supposed to address the areas where our actions were fueling the resistance. I'm glad that someone is finally in charge who seems to get it, but why on earth has it taken four and a half years to reach such an obvious conclusion?

(Cross-posted at OOIBC)

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Wednesday, December 19, 2007

It Was The Best of Times, It Was The Worst of Times

My Dad tells the story of a coworker of his in the 60's, a Swedish communist apparently, who went to East Berlin. After crossing through Checkpoint Charlie from the vibrant, cosmopolitan West side to the gray, dilapidated East side, all this guy could see was the wonderful life of equality that the East Berliners "enjoyed." The ability to take a step back and see what the place was really like was beyond him.

I was reminded of this story when I read the back-and-forth about Michael Totten's and Ali al-Fadhily's divergent accounts of life in Fallujah these days. See commentary here, here, here, here and here.

Totten and al-Fadhily are both right in their own ways: from the Marines' perspective, Fallujah's a hell of a lot better than it was last year at this time, because they aren't getting shot at. That does tend to improve your outlook. From the Iraqi citizens' perspective, they don't have freedom of movement in their own city, and all those barricades can't help but make it more difficult to get supplies. Totten apparently only talked to U.S. sources and al-Fadhily only talked to Iraqi sources, so therein lies the root of the argument.

But there are times when Totten seems to be talking about another place entirely. Take, for instance, his argument against al-Fadhily's claim that 70% of Fallujah was destroyed in 2004:

He claims seventy percent of the city was destroyed during Operation Phantom Fury, also known as Al-Fajr, in November 2004. This is a lie. If he really went to Fallujah himself, he knows it's a lie. It's possible that as much as seventy percent of the city was damaged, if a single bullet hole in the side of a house counts as damage. I really don't know. It's hard to say. But I saw much more destruction in nearby Ramadi than I saw in Fallujah. Even there the percentage of the city that was actually destroyed is in the low single digits – nowhere near seventy percent. And I spent triple the amount of time in Fallujah as in Ramadi. I didn't personally see every street or house, but I followed the Marines on foot patrols every day and never once retraced my steps.

I guess he was in a different city than I'm in, because there is no possible way anyone could look at Fallujah today and say that the percentage of destruction is below "the low single digits." I'm just outside of Fallujah now, and I go into the city semi-regularly. The rubble is everywhere. The shells of buildings are everywhere. Walls are crumbling, roofs have caved in, pieces of what used to be peoples' homes lie about in empty lots. It looks about like you would expect a city to look like after it had been bombarded at length by the largest, most powerful military in human history. Whether the extent of the damage is 70% or 50% or 20% (what are the criteria for such estimates anyway?), it's a far cry from 1%-4%. There's no way Totten could have been off by that much if he weren't looking through rose-tinted glasses. (Speaking of rose-tinted glasses, check out this commenter's ramblings at Commentary: "Operation Iraqi Freedom comes closer to perfection than any major conflict in modern history." You can't make this stuff up.)

Having said that, 70% seems a bit much. But again, I have no idea how one would compute this sort of thing. Is a building that is half-missing only 50% destroyed? I have no idea. I do get the sense that neither Totten nor al-Fadhily is a completely trustworthy source.

My take is that things aren't as dire as al-Fadhily says they are, nor are they as rosy as Totten says. But that's right now. This whole Anbar Awakening thing is hanging by a thread. One flare-up could cause the sheikhs who are currently working with U.S. forces to reverse their course and decide that we're not their friends anymore. Which makes the current situation in Fallujah neither good nor bad, but merely contingent. And it's contingent on the main thing that isn't happening in Iraq actually happening: a political solution to the ethnic and sectarian violence that has plagued this country ever since we unleashed it.

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Thursday, December 13, 2007

Blast Walls and Biometrics

Catching up on missed blog reading today. I've been out for a few weeks to some of the more remote spots in Iraq and noticed this at Unqualified Offerings from a few days ago:

The blast walls certainly seem omnipresent in Baghdad. I doubt there are as many in the rest of the country. Michael Totten has an interesting embed report from Fallujah that doesn't detail internal controls on movement in the city. He does refer to border controls, but stresses they are in the hands of local police forces.

Well, I'm in Fallujah and I can tell you that while there may not be blast walls separating one neighborhood from another (as is the situation in Baghdad), there is a wall around the entire city with controlled access points staffed by U.S. Marines checking the identification of everyone who attempts to pass through them. The ID's are produced by U.S. forces and are connected to a biometric tracking system that is run by U.S. forces. So Totten is wrong about the border controls being in the hands of local police forces. I find it amazing that he could have gotten that as wrong as he did, but I have no idea what Totten was shown when he was here.

But if you want to know why Fallujah is as calm as it is (and it is quite calm by the standards of this warzone), the walls and the iris scans are a huge part of it.

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Thursday, November 22, 2007

Crossing the Line?

George W. Bush: "[Musharraf has] been a loyal ally in fighting terrorists. He's also advanced democracy in Pakistan.... He hasn't crossed the line. As a matter of fact, I don't think he will cross any lines."

Joe Biden: "What exactly would it take for the president to conclude Musharraf has crossed the line? Suspend the constitution? Impose emergency law? Beat and jail his political opponents and human rights activists? He's already done all that . If the president sees Musharraf as a democrat, he must be wearing the same glasses he had on when he looked in Vladimir Putin's soul."

George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, Abraham Lincoln, and the American Dream: "All this spinning is making me sick."

Sunday, November 11, 2007

Meet the New Boss

Selected quotes from Hajji Abu Abed, the guy we are apparently paying $240,000 per month (do the math yourself if you don't believe me) to keep the streets of Baghdad safe from al Qaeda:

"Oh, people of Iraq, I had come to you with two swords, one is for mercy which I have left back in the desert, and this one" - he pointed his gun at the crowd -"is the sword of oppression, which I kept in my hand."

"I have to show them there is one commander. If the Americans don't like it, I will withdraw my men."

"Look, this head of yours, I will cut it off and put it on your chest if you don't tell where the guns are by tomorrow."

As you read the glowing reports about downturns in violence, remember that this is what they are actually referring to, and this is what the Administration and the Pentagon consider to be progress.

Saturday, November 03, 2007

Vote for Dude

While I'm on the subject of who I'll be voting for, and speaking of fellow OOIBC Bloggers, the always excellent Army of Dude (whose blog, incidentally, drew me to OOIBC in the first place) has been nominated for Best Military Blog in the 2007 Weblog Awards, so go vote for him here.

And while you're visiting his site, be sure to read his fantastic riposte to Rush Limbaugh's "phony soldiers" remark. Makes the big, fat idiot look like the worst person ever, which isn't far from the truth. I would have linked it when I first saw it, but I was on vacation at the time.

The Army's Middle Management Problem

We've all heard about the recruiting problems the Army is having lately thanks to the pressures on soldiers and their families as a result of the occupation of Iraq. What isn't talked about is how many NCO's aren't re-upping, and this poses an even more significant threat to the Army as an institution. For you non-military folks, I'll let fellow OOIBC Blogger Blue Girl explain why:

Without top-notch NCO's the force suffers. They fill a unique role, because they manage both up and down the chain of command. They transmit orders to the troops they supervise, and they have great influence over the decisions made by the officers they serve.

NCO's simultaneously prepare their units to complete their mission and know the personal pertinents of their personnel. They know whose kids are struggling to adjust, whose marriage is rocky, who is expecting a baby, whose mother is ill, who has an in-law "vacationing" on their couch and clueless about why they can't come play. They have the standing to pull a green Lieutenant aside and tell him or her the real score.

These middle managers are especially important in wartime. Not the least of all among reasons: seasoned NCO's keep Leiutenants alive long enough to become seasoned officers. There are more Sergeants leading Soldiers and Marines down dangerous alleys and on patrol than there are Lieutenants and Captains.

The amount of experience and professionalism that is walking out the door is having a huge effect on the Army right now, as it struggles to promote soldiers to positions of responsibility years before they have the experience needed to shepherd their PFC's and junior officers through hard deployments. I see it all the time: young soldiers, three years into their first enlistment, wearing Sergeant stripes. The quality of the NCO corps is definitely lower than it was ten years ago when I was a PFC looking to my superiors for guidance. Some MOS's, notably 97E, Interrogator, are so short-staffed that Sergeant stripes are virtually guaranteed. I've seen the most useless interrogators given stripes simply because there are so few NCO's to go around.

But if you think it's bad now, wait a few years. Those young Sergeants aren't just inexperienced, they got into the Army during a time when many of the usual filters designed to maintain quality control--intelligence, psychological profile, past criminal record--were jettisoned to get the Army to its recruiting goals in the first place. These low-IQ, borderline psychotic criminals aren't just manning the barricades, they will be running the store in a few years. Twenty years from now, some of these people will be First Sergeants, Sergeants Major and Chief Warrant Officers, which means that they will be the guiding influence on the next generation of soldiers. Our days of bragging about having the most highly-trained, proficient military in world history are swiftly coming to an end.

(All this comes, incidentally, at a time when the Air Force is actually downsizing. I personally know one former Staff Sergeant with a very rare and important skillset who was given thousands of dollars to leave early, and have heard second-hand accounts of even bigger payouts to junior officers. At the Pentagon, the left hand doesn't seem to know what the right hand is doing, and some are belatedly catching on to that.)


Friday, November 02, 2007

Sullivan's Case for Obama

Andrew Sullivan's Atlantic cover story on Barrack Obama is worth a read. I knew I was an Obama supporter but I was having trouble articulating why, other than the fact that he seems to have a more philosphical outlook on issues of policy (embracing nuance, rather than pretending it doesn't exist) and the vague sense that he's got that whole "uniter, not a dividier" thing going on. Yes, he opposed the Iraq war from the beginning, but as a reformed Iraq war supporter myself, I could hardly hold that against Edwards. As for Hillary, I'd have trouble pulling the lever for her, if for no other reason than the fact that her legions of haters would never allow her to actually govern.

So yeah, I'm an Obama guy. He's got the best foreign policy people you've never heard of on his side, and he is the candidate in the best position (as Sully argues) to negotiate the pitfalls of simultaneously withdrawing from Iraq, repairing America's image abroad, and both strongly and effectively fighting terrorists. Plus he says really smart things that aren't very popular, such as this gem from 2002, which might as well serve as the header on this blog:

I don't oppose all wars. And I know that in this crowd today, there is no shortage of patriots, or of patriotism. What I am opposed to is a dumb war. What I am opposed to is a rash war … I know that even a successful war against Iraq will require a U.S. occupation of undetermined length, at undetermined cost, with undetermined consequences. I know that an invasion of Iraq without a clear rationale and without strong international support will only fan the flames of the Middle East, and encourage the worst, rather than best, impulses of the Arab world, and strengthen the recruitment arm of al-Qaeda. I am not opposed to all wars. I'm opposed to dumb wars.


Which brings me to another good reason to jump on his bandwagon: his eloquence. Can you even imagine that there would be enough material for a cottage industry of "Barrackisms" to arise during his presidency? That in itself would be quite a welcome change: a President who isn't a laughingstock.

Saturday, October 20, 2007

It's a Catch-22

Staying humane vs. staying alive.

I'm a couple of days late to this, but Matt Yglesias makes an obvious but crucial point regarding the futility of our adventure in Iraq:

The crux of the matter is that soldiers in ambiguous situations understandably tend to err on the side of their own personal safety and that of their fellow soldiers. Likewise, officers faced with ambiguous situations tend to err on the side of giving the soldiers under their command the benefit of the doubt. And courts-martial, likewise, err on the side of taking a favorable view of American soldiers.

All of which is fine. Unless you happen to be an Iraqi. Which is precisely why people tend not to enjoy being under foreign military occupation.

The reality of the matter is that to succeed, our troops would need to behave the way police officers do. But they're not cops, they're soldiers. And there's a good reason that soldiers act the way soldiers do. There's no way that it would be politically feasible -- or even appropriate -- for the US military to start treating Iraqi lives as more important than American lives. But that would be the only way to actually pull off what they've been asked to pull off. It's an impossible situation, and not one we should be putting people in.

The impossible situation isn't just limited to Iraq, however. This is a question I have wrestled with for a long time: can this war actually be conducted while maintaining the ideals of freedom and human rights that Americans and the West hold dear? I wanted to believe it was possible, but I don't really see it. It is always easy to talk about preserving the rights of those you fight against, but it's much more difficult to tell soldiers whose friends are dying before their eyes to respect the human rights of the people doing the shooting. (I can attest to this from personal experience: the only time I have actually wished someone dead was when he was shooting at me.)

The problem only gets worse when you start talking about assymmetrical warfare in which the enemy doesn't just look like a regular citizen, he is a regular citizen (or at least a subset of the regular citizenry that is indistinguishable from the rest of them). Given the choice between self-protection and large geopolitical goals (not that I'm convinced we have any), the Iraqis are going to lose every time.

So what do we do about this? We can't legitimately tell our brave sons and daughters and their families to go out there and take one for the team, but the more vigorously they protect themselves, the more innocent Iraqis die, and the further from our goal of establishing a peaceful rule-of-law democracy we get.

The result has been a mishmash of lofty rhetoric at the strategic level ("we do not torture") and hard-as-nails pragmatism at the tactical level (we torture). Soldiers are told that their safety is priority number one, then sent out into the battlespace with rules of engagement that ensure the enemy will get off a few shots before our guys have time to react. To say that this situation is untenable is to understate the case by quite a bit: it's a situation in which the soldiers are scarcely able to act without either breaking the rules or putting themselves at extra risk.

This is why being the "shining city on the hill" pretty much precludes preemptive war, leaping into battle without a coherent strategy and/or ill-defined objectives, overthrowing dictators who pose no threat to our nation's security, and occupation of foreign lands: everything we do in the interest of these things is either done counter to our values as a nation or at an especially great risk to our soldiers. Essentially we're telling our soldiers that they must find a balance between dying with honor or living with ignominy. That they tend to find ways to muddle through this with their consciences intact is a testament to their resilience, but they should have never been put in that position in the first place.
Yet another reason why "supporting the troops" doesn't mean supporting the way the President uses them, it means opposing the Presidents who would capriciously send them into needless, poorly planned and unwinnable wars.

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